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How to kill a zombie: strategizing the end of neoliberalism | openDemocracy

rogueish:

Anarchist fatalism – according to which it is easier to imagine the end of capitalism than a left-wing Labour Party – is the complement of the capitalist realist insistence that there is no alternative to capitalism.

This is a clever zinger and everything, but the thing is the end of capitalism actually is more realistic than a left-wing Labour Party; the Labour Party’s entire history and structure bias it against radicalism, and contemporary economic reorganization makes it increasingly unlikely it would even become a social democratic party again. More generally, I don’t get this hand-wringing about radicals having a parliamentary strategy. My parliamentary strategy is, if left-wing Labour members want to abolish capital and the state, they’re welcome to help. But there’s no need for people who already have more left-wing politics than Labour to engage with the Labour Party. The only thing that could possibly create the conditions for a genuinely left-wing Labour Party is an extra-parliamentary left movement; if that did create these conditions, great, but in that case, the people already on the Labour left are best placed to take advantage of that opportunity. It’s not like we’re in imminent danger of running out of left-wingers who, for nostalgic reasons, are still part of Labour.

This was posted 11 months ago. It has 8 notes.

Chuffed but Gutted: Owen Jones - The Almost Autonomist

Owen Jones appeared yesterday on Novara Media. For those readers from outside the UK, Novara Media is a “autonomous media collective” based in London that currently manifests itself as an hour long radio show on weekly at 1PM GMT on Fridays on Resonance FM but that in the near future hopes to expand to internet TV. It provides really excellent analysis of political conditions, interesting interviews with leading left-wing writers and thinkers and excellent analysis of events as they unfold. Worth tuning in every week or subscribing to their podcast. Their archive is also really worth listening to - all their shows are on their website.

Jones is a commentator for the Independent newspaper and a writer who is also a member and activist on the left of the Labour party. During the programme, Owen outlines his reasons for supporting the Labour party and mainstream unions. What interests us here is how much he concedes and shares with the analysis of the presenters of Novara, an analysis which finds much of its basis in the stream of Italian autonomist Marxism which began in the mid-1960s - detailed in a number of previous shows. Perhaps unknown to him and certainly not in theoretical terms he would endorse, Owen ends up on much the same page about the way in which the working class now looks, yet still believes in the mass organs of working class born and constituted by and for a composition of the working class that no longer exists. The question is: why?

Italian autonomist Marxism has a long and complicated history that flows from the early theory of Operaismo in the 1960s (workerism in journals Quaderni Rossi and Classe Operaia), through to the larger organisations until the mid-to-late 1970s (Lotta Continua and Potere Operaio especially) to Autonomia Operaia and then “post-Workerism” that includes analyses made famous by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri in works such as Empire and Paolo Virno’s (superior) Grammar of the Multitude. One continuity between these brands of Italian Marxism is the idea of analysing “class composition”, understood as centrally important to organising the working class against capitalism1.

In its workerist period where it was most cleanly articulated, class composition called for attention to the close relationship between what they called the technical composition of the working class and its political composition. The technical composition - the way in which work was organised, the flow of the working day, the manner in which communication was allowed on the shop floor - resulted in a particular political composition of the working class - the manner in which they would struggle against the working conditions imposed upon them by capital. As Wright points out, this characterisation can sometimes appear rigidly mechanistic, but this was related to another classical workerist analysis, the so-called “Copernican inversion” instituted by the Operaist theorist Mario Tronti. Just as Copernicus had inverted the relationship between the Earth and cosmos, Tronti that the ruling classes respond to working class struggle, which is primary, rather than the other way around. Previously Marxists had written history from the perspective of capital - the point was to read it from the perspective of the living labour subjugated by capital, to which capital responded by changing. Thus the technical discipling of one era of the working class is the result of their struggle in the preceding era. This leads to an alternative history of the struggles between classes which can be extended to the digital sphere.

This means that careful attention was paid to the way the working class as they actually existed and struggled against capitalism in their day to day lives. This meant that this understanding of that life was to be finally the task of the workers themselves, with only the help of theorists and left sociologists - the idea of the ‘worker’s enquiry’ was central to workerist and then autonomist analyses. Since this early period analysts working in the tradition have paid close attention to the changes in the way work is composed, offering a series of new understandings that operate under the unstable, sometimes over wrought but provocative categories of post-Fordism, immaterial labour, affective labour, precarious labour, the Multitude, the cognitariat and so on. What is centrally important here though is that if the working class is to struggle, it must be understood as it is now. The problem with the political organisations of the day, the early workerists theorised, was that they had a view of the working class that was radically out of date, so they were totally unable to respond to its needs. The mass organisations of the unions and the Italian communist party (the PCI) could no longer represent in their idea of the working class, the new ‘mass worker’, partially formed by unskilled migrant labour and forced into an accelerated rate of production, that directly much of its rage against the idea of work itself. The figure of the proud skilled worker collecting their just reward and the unions promoting the dignity of work that flowed from this were out of date for the situation the real working class found itself.

Jones’ first book Chavs: The Demonisation of the Working Class is sometimes taken as a rather nostalgic book, pining for the days prior to Thatcher. However, as is clear from his Novara interview, Jones is rather more astute in his analysis of how class reproduces itself today. As Jones says, more people are now employed in call centres than were employed down the mines. The class composition of the working class has profoundly changed, which Jones seems to admit “If the miner was one of the iconic jobs of post-war Britain, then today, surely, the call centre worker is as good a symbol of the working class as any”. For the autonomist Marxists, these changes result in the need for a different approach to political organisation, the germs of which emerged in the Italian experience of the ‘movement of 1977’. Some post-autonomist theorists - such as Hardt and Negri - have been rather over enthusiastic about the political possibilities of this type of communication worker as being intrinscally collaborative and ‘communistic’ - something that has been heavily criticised. Those influenced by the autonomist tradition have published extremely detailed analyses of call centre work - the most famous being Kolinko’s Hotlines. Indeed, the best moments of Chavs are the descriptions of daily work that could well flow from one of these organisations.

So, the problem with Jones’ analysis is that on one hand he agrees with the idea that the working class has fundamentally changed in the UK under the conditions we might call “post-Fordism”, but that the organs of the working class must look to are still the organs of the period preceding it. Owen repeats that the times where working people clustered around a similar place, all doing the same job and therefore represented by the mass union have concluded, but then looks to the same things now to do the same job now. It is frustrating - why praise the organisational innovation of UKUncut then claim unions could do anything approaching this? When Jones’ details the numerous defeats for the Left inside the Labour party, he then places the burden of proof on the person who claims that maybe the Labour party isn’t the best place for a genuinely left wing project. Yet surely that burden should be on Jones to explain why now given all the preceding history, the Labour party could work out this time, especially given its current formation. Perhaps those attempts outside the Labour party would had had more success without these kind of arguments being produced? Despite all his pessimism of the current state of the Left, Jones believes the situation that preceded (say) the smashing of the unions by Thatcher can be restored. How when the form of work that allowed their formulation no longer exists as he himself admits? The same goes for the terminal decline in the membership of political parties as such, including the Labour party.

In short, Owen would be better served following the arguments of his own work to the logical conclusion, genuinely “starting where people are” as workers and abandoning hope in the mass organisations of the working class that serve a class that no longer exists. Come on outside Owen - the autonomia’s lovely!


  1. The best history of the early development of this period is Storming heaven: class composition and struggle in Italian Autonomist Marxism by Steve Wright. Wright’s book strikes a remarkably pessimistic tone - this review by one of the subjects of the book Sergio Bologna being an interesting counterpoint alongside an afterword to the Italian edition by participants. He has also written shorter articles on the subject and interviews 

This was posted 11 months ago. It has 41 notes.
novaramedia:

Novara returns to Resonance FM this Friday at 1pm.

novaramedia:

Novara returns to Resonance FM this Friday at 1pm.

This was posted 12 months ago. It has 12 notes. .

On The Figure Of The Troll

1.

Language is a plastic thing. One cannot be too precious about new and different uses of words once held in one context. Indeed the plasticity of language is one of the key engines of the innovation and diversity of internet culture. However, recent discussion of the word troll and its slippage into a term to mean only “vicious abuse online” is concerning. I am of course here not defending those who use online fora to send threats of sexual assault to women, or perpetuate misogyny. Strategies need to be developed to prevent these abuses. However the conflation of trolling solely with abuse seems to be indicative of a wider tendency regarding online discourse. Often the cry of “troll” is the response to every and every even reasonable critique - the fear of the powerful of the mob.

2.

Trolling even in its classic form - the taking of a different identity (more often than not maintaining a position the troll does not hold) to deliberately stir up trouble and cause (often deliberately) intractable arguments in online communities - can of course be offensive and abusive. Its often not fun being trolled. The whole point is to make people angry. It is not entirely harmless, but it is not uninteresting either. The lulz (the humour derived from trolling) is often radically im/amoral.

But as DSG pointed out a while back with groups like Anonymous there is increasingly a fluidity between lulz based disruption and economic and political disruption in the service of politics. This phenomena cannot be avoided. For many net natives trolling is the first taste of rebellion.

3.

At its best trolling was a disruption of online communities where certain cultures, belief and practices have become so entrenched as to be naturalised and unexamined. It can be creative, cunning, smart. A troll knows the communities it trolls. She knows their push buttons, she must understand how to simulate membership of the community effectively to gain trust. They know where the levers are and how to use them. They must understand technologies of anonymity and evasion. These skills can be respected - they are a craft of sorts.

The troll is often an organic sociologist of online communities. At the same time calling out a troll is difficult precisely because the best trolling would be so subtle that it would be indistinguishable from at least some of the dynamics within the community itself - a newbie not understanding the culture and posting something stupid. More interestingly perhaps, for an online community to recognise a troll it requires a certain level of self-consciousness amongst members as to their own dynamics. To understand the troll is to understand internet communities. Maybe trolls were the first to do so in the age of usenet and BBS.

4.

An example: persistently tweeting “your a dick” at Richard Dawkins. To explain the joke is perhaps to make it boring but the reason why this works as a troll of internet based atheists is because that community are fans of Dawkins and sticklers for proper grammar and this causes them to get mad. Its pointless, but its also subtly quite funny. It understands better the structure of this community than most commentators on the subject and does so entirely organically. As Biella Coleman says of Anonymous “our weirdness is free”. Acts like trolling especially when done in groups are the organic unpredictable and self-made popular culture of the internet. We build it for ourselves.

5.

The taking of the word troll to mean simple abuse is a symptom of the increasingly flattening corporate space of the internet. Facebook asks for your real name because it thinks your real name is the only identity that can be. Rather than the properly anarchic early days of internet communication, where people were permitted to fashion identities and build communities as they saw fit, wildly innovative in their dynamics, it speaks of an increasingly controlled and administrated cybernetic sphere. These innovative spaces naturally were eventually only colonised by capital as is the ongoing dynamic online - the vampire incapable of innovation. Is not the shock comedian or reactionary columnist - taking the art of trolling at its most superficial and banal level mainly for advertising hits - the attempt at the corporate mainstream media recreation of the troll?

6.

The troll is disruptive, and disruption cannot be permitted in an internet that values clear and clean communication - only clear and clean communication can have advertising data extracted from it - only clear communication can create the metric on the self as a consumer that will then later be sold to the highest bidder - only clear and clean communication ensures the smooth operation of the online space as a sphere of marketing and sales. The figure of the troll rightly understood is one nightmare of this space.

This was posted 1 year ago. It has 95 notes.

The MET arrest someone for chalking on steps at the University of London Union. Total cops required? Two van loads.

Please re-blog widely.

TW: Violent arrest.

This was posted 1 year ago. It has 8 notes.

What do you think will be the content of the “post-capitalist planning” called for in the Manifesto. How would this be significantly different from schemes, not only of GOSPLAN but also of Technocracy, Inc or Italian Futurism?

Our conclusion that post-capitalist planning is required stems from the theoretical failures of market socialism as well as from our own belief that a planned system can distribute goods and resources in a more rational way than the market system. This differs from previous experiments with such a system in rejecting both the techno-utopian impulse of much recent writing on post-capitalism, and the centralised nature of the Soviet system.

With regards to the former – we valorise technology not simply as a means to solve problems, but also as a weapon to wield in social struggles. So we reject any Silicon Valley-ish faith in technology – a problem that the liberal left often falls into. On the other hand, we reject any discourse of authenticity which sees technology as an aberration or as the source of contemporary problems – a problem that the proper left often falls into. The question has to be ‘how can we develop, design and use technology in a way which furthers leftist goals?’ This means thinking how infrastructures, data analytics, logistics networks, and automation can all play a role in building the material platform for a post-capitalist system. The belief that our current technologies are intrinsically wedded to a neoliberal social system is not only theoretically obsolete, but also practically limiting. So without thinking technology is sufficient to save us, we nevertheless believe that technology is a primary area where tools and weapons for struggle can be developed.

With regards to the centralised nature of planning, it should be clear to everyone that the Soviet system was a failure in many regards. The issue here is to learn from past experiments such as GOSPLAN, and from theoretical proposals such as Parecon and Devine’s democratic planning. Particularly inspiring here is the Chilean experiment, Cybersyn, which contrary to the stereotype of a planned economy, in fact attempted to build a system which incorporated worker’s self-autonomy and factory-level democracy into the planned economy. There remain issues here about the gender-bias of the system (the design of the central hub being built for men, for instance), yet this experiment is a rich resource for thinking through what it might mean to build a post-capitalist economy. And it should be remembered that Cybersyn was built with less than the computing power of a smartphone. It is today’s technology which offers real resources for organising an economy in a far more rational way than the market system does.

It has to be recognised then that communism is an idea that was ahead of its time. It is a 21st century idea that was made popular in the 20th century and was enacted by a 19th century economy.

The Speed of Future Thought: C. Derick Varn and Dario Cankovich Interview Alex Williams and Nick Srnicek authors of the #accelerate Accelerationist Manifesto
This was posted 1 year ago. It has 10 notes.
Automnia: A RESPONSE TO "WHAT'S LEFT".

I’d like to thank automnia for a very quick response to the piece on What’s Left. Its probably important to say here that I agree more than disagree with the analysis proffered. There is likely far more common ground than disagreement.

1.

The intention of this paragraph was simply to summarise the position of the piece. The claim is that the original piece says it is unethical to place such broad people in a wide category. The response to this merely confirms this is some of what the piece is driving at.

2.

There is no need to claim a “close similarity”. The point is precisely Stalin and the Black Panthers do not share every aspect, but rather they have overlapping elements, hence the concept of family resemblance detailed there. It seems not impossible to draw lines between the Diggers and social democracy, through various discussions of the need for property for those who have none in general and the influence of Christianity on both. The influence of the Diggers as part of the historical memory of much of the Left seems undeniable.

This seems to be the least important point of the discussion to be had here, so I will leave it. The Left seems for various reasons to remain a useful term for carving up reality. However, it seems clear to me that all currently extant vectors of it are of little use, as the original piece eloquently recognises. I don’t care about the conceptual unity of the term “the Left”. I care about the tactics and strategy necessary to overcome the state of things.

3 - 4

Fair.

5.

The inference is not that Communists Like Us is not relevant, rather that it is interesting how these themes recur and continue to resonate. It was interesting to see so many love the piece as something fresh, bracing even. This phenomena was the one that was being attempted to isolate here. Why do these debates persist? Or more vitally - why have these problems not yet been solved? Why are we still writing these pieces? The likely response to this from you would be that the historical bloc of The Left persists.

6

Its difficult to disagree with much of what is here on the question of Left organisations. But it seems like a notion of class cannot avoid all questions of “unity” as a sociological entity. How is there a sufficiently shared condition of a group of human individuals that allow them to constitute a class? It seems, though unexamined, that class requires an acceleration of the understanding of this shared condition, which may resemble a unity. Yet at the same time, it is also clear that no Left grouping on the mainstream truly embodies this now. This may well be a philosophical quibble.

As for barricades, when did I say they were not valuable? The point is and was that the piece refers to values of the Left while declaiming the traditions of it - what could be a more Leftist phrase than solidarity? As stated earlier, this remains an area which matters very little to the most important things at stake here.

8

"Anti-austerity" was in inverted commas for a reason - this phrase almost did not make it to the piece in the first place. I do not agree that "anti-austerity" is a worthy name for the neccessary struggle and agree entirely with the analysis that "Austerity is a way for capital to reinvent and protect itself after an existential crisis". Nether will I disagree with any of the analysis that "the motors of struggle we relied upon (predominantly the unions and their client groups) are fundamentally opposed to the actions we take or the world we wish to create". Or that established left in unions are entirely anti-radical. These seem almost self-evident facts.

The question is then - where do we go once we have agreed on this?

What can we invent outside a call to do otherwise?

automnia:

I’m not going to lie. I didn’t expect anyone to like “Left For Dead”. I published it mainly because the word document had been hanging round my hard drive like an obnoxious spirit, reminding me at every occasion of both my depressing inability to write and my complete lack of courage in…

This was posted 1 year ago. It has 11 notes.